यो सामग्री बिमला प्रधानजीले एम ए ( अंग्रेजी) को शोधपत्रका रुपमा प्रस्तुत गर्नु भएको हो । यसमा सबाल्टर्न दृष्टिकोणबाट 'उलार' (उपन्यास)लाई हेरिएको छ र प्रशस्त आलोचना पनि गरिएको छ । तर राम्रो छ । यसले बहसका लागि प्रशस्त सम्भावना प्रस्तुत गरेकोले मैले यसलाई आफ्नो ब्लगमा सामेल गरेको छु ।-----नयनराज पाण्डे
1. Ulaar as a Text on Subaltern
-Bimala Pradhan
Nayanraj Pandey's attempt to speak on behalf of subaltern in Ulaar becomes a ventriloquizing and the attempt to represent the subaltern as such becomes a flat misrepresentation.
The word subaltern has been used in late medieval English period. The word at that time was especially used to refer to vassals and peasants. By 1700, the historians and the novelists began to write novels and histories about military campaign in India and America from the perspectives of subaltern. Then subaltern studies developed as theory.
The word subaltern actually indicates the long marginalized and subjugated people whose actions and deeds are not included in the colonial and bourgeois nationalist historiography. While constructing history, both subaltern and elite play equal role but their contributions are carelessly excluded while writing history. As a result, subaltern study as a theory tries to provide space for subaltern's voice and contribution in history so that subaltern people may feel their existence in some aspects.
The post colonial Marxist feminist critic Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak has claimed that the subalterns cannot speak. The subalterns also argue that the subalterns have no space in the elitist nationalist historiographies and the grand narratives to exist, speak and act independently and represent themselves but they have to be known through the stereotypical images created by the elites.
The term leads us to the writing of Italian Marxist Antonio Gramsci who for the first time used this term linking it with the rights of non ruling people, the subalterns. He has contributed a lot to give authenticity to the subaltern studies. He has used 'subaltern', as 'inferior rank' to refer to those groups who are the subject to the hegemony of the ruling class. The concept of hegemony was originally developed by him. The term 'subaltern, of low rank' is expressed in terms of class, gender, caste, age and office and the other ways.
By 1990, the historian Burton Stein could see the growing interest in the subaltern studies as one that the 1980s were in Ludden's term "a decade of historical inflorescence" in South Asian studies but the idea of subaltern was initially used by Antonio Gramsci (1891-1937), a communist activist, whose prison notes were smuggled to Moscow for publication and translation, to refer to 'the inferior groups' (215). According to Gramsci, subaltern refers to the groups in the society who are continuously being the subject of hegemony of the authority groups. In this point of view, the farmers, labors and other groups who don't have access to the 'hegemonic power' can be identified as the subaltern class.
In south asia subalternity as a literary perspective was used widely after the publication of subaltern studies volume under the leadership of Ranajit Guha. The volumes of the subaltern studies are amalgamation of heterogeneous ideas of different scholars because subalternity can be defined differently according to its context.
Though, the subalterns studies takes the issues from the bottom and searches their agency in history, it differs according to the nature of the country's historical situation. Subalternists formed 'subaltern studies group' to speak the voice of long marginalized people. The subaltern people also look for the intellectuals who could speak their voice but in fact the voices of subalterns always remain unspoken. The subaltern studies group then can never represent their real voice. The notion of community is frequently based in an inside- outside dichotomy of the subaltern subjective consciousness. What is represented by subaltern studies group is their own voice. Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak writes in her essay "Can the Subaltern Speak?" that since subaltern people lack history, they cannot speak. She especially raises the issues of the females as subaltern who are 'more deeply in shadow' and states "the subalterns as female can not be read or speak"(104).
The present thesis incorporates the issue of subaltern to analyze the novel Ulaar by Nayan Raj Pandey. It was first published in 2055 B.S. and second edition came in 2065 B.S. The novel is considered as one of the best among those depicting the sentiments of the marginalized people and their difficulties and the intricacies of the elites, after the political movement of 2046. It is a complete package that examines the results and the achievements of this movement. It has projected about the various exploitations that the people had to bear after the democracy was brought. So, we can see this novel as the lively presentation about the suppressions of the elites over the people and their struggles for lives.
The main character of the novel is Premlalawa, the only son of his parents; orphan in his early childhood. Rajendraraj helped him to get compensation of his father's death from the truck owner that had caused his death. He received 8,000. His cart did not support him, so, he used to have meal only once a day so that he'd not sleep hungry some day (Ulaar16). At the same time, he gets seriously ill of pneumonia and asks for the help to Rajendraraj. The conspirator Rajendraraj gets chance to plunder over the valuable land of Premlalawa. He proposes to sell his land. Premlalawa becomes obliged to sell his land in only Rs.30000 worth Rs.100000. He cures his pneumonia and buys mare with the same and starts earning his living.
He goes with his cart in the victory ceremony of Shantiraja and happens to listen that Shantiraja had paid 5 lakhs amount to Rajendraraj for his 70% of vote. He gets confused with disbelief and drags himself away from such conversations. Because of the overload of people, his cart gets ulaar and Basanti dies. Premlalawa again goes to Rajendraj who writes a letter to Shantiraja in a cigarette cover. Then he goes to meet Shantiraja. He tells him to come to Kathmandu. Then His journey to Kathmandu begins. Premlalawa comes to Kathmandu and wanders to quarter, ministry, party office and many more places where Shantiraja possibly be met, hoping to get compensation of Basanti's death. Premlalawa finds Shantiraja nowhere. Finally, an old man from Baluwatar suggests him satirically to return to his village that is why he returns home being helpless and hopeless. While reaching his home Premlalawa gets shocked seeing his home crumbled down because of heavy rain and his cart stolen.
Being obliged, Premlalawa again has to go to Rajendraraj with his land ownership document. The conspirator gets surprised to see both. He did not ask Premlalawa if he met Shantiraja because he had known he'll not find. Then he proposes Premlalawa to sell his home in 90,000 but Premlalawa would receive only 30000. Premlalawa thinks he would not sell his property in less than 60000 if not obliged. He buys a cart and horse with the same money that was the cost of his home. He meets a decision after the mental collision and vows to not let Rajendraraj and his family ride free on his cart and not to accept the heavy load of Shantiraja.
The name given to Draupadi, the main female character from the novel, is satirical one. Kuber Chalise in Ulaar: A Complete Imbalance, writes "amazingly Draupadi's childhood name was Sita... how Sita in course of time becomes Draupadi is a satire aimed at our right's advocates" (1). It is one of the examples that would be helpful to prove the (mis)representation of the subaltern characters. Her name was Sita before she became Draupadi. Sita is allusion from Ramayan and she stands for virginity. Draupadi is also another allusion from Mahabharata. She is the wife of the five Pandavas. Sita in Ulaar remains Sita until she handles and replaces her mother from her job as prostitute and Draupadi has to bear such hundreds of Pandavas. Sita has become Draupadi in course of time according to her profession. Draupadi is a slang word people use to tease her. Society is the priest who gives her the name Draupadi. Men knead her body at random but she is unable to resist because of the obligation imposed upon her that baadi people are not allowed to work except in prostitution. They have to exchange themselves with "very low price or sometimes for free too, bearing pain and earn their daily bread and butter for the whole family" (47). Not providing the identity to the characters is also another kind of (mis)representation. Draupadi does not know who the father of her daughter (10yrs.) is. She is the representative of the baadi children that do not have their father identified. Sita is the name of three generation in same house; Draupadi was Sita before she started her job, her daughter's name is also the same and Draupadi was surprised to know her mother's name was also the same. The name Sita, perhaps, is the name that is being long inherited and continues to be so.
So, Ulaar by Nayanraj Pandey, is the project on the subaltern people that are exploited by the elites. The subaltern characters like Premlalawa, Draupadi, Kaluwa, Nanakau are those dominated class and Rajendraraj, Shantiraja and Shilababu are the representatives of the dominant class. They dominate the people in some or the other ways. The subaltern empowerment is subordinated and almost all characters remain silent in Ulaar according to the projection of the elites. They speak the local language. The writer has not created any specific language to them. Their dialogues are just for dialogues and not evoking any reason and the sense. They do not speak and cannot represent themselves.
According to Ranajit Guha, the subalterns are those of 'the inferior rank' or they are not those who belong to the dominant elite class, the subalterns are made inferior but not born inferior. Nepal was never colonized by the European colonists but Nepali society has been suppressed deeply by the elitism. Especially, the subaltern people have any space in society neither in the past nor in the present. They do not have their own voice which has been made silenced as far as possible. They are identified with the stereotypical way as the interest of the elites. Vijaya Sapkota in Social Imbalance: Ulaar writes:
Though, they have nothing to do with the upheavals of the politics and do not have any dreams of progress and prosperity in their life, Premlalawa and his class is unable to live their ordinary life at all. The defeated class is always the same of Premlalawa in power- play with the elite class of Rajendraraj, Shilababu and Shantiraja. The defeated class never gets chance to revolt against such pride and prejudice rather they are again obliged to live licking the sole of their shoes(2).
No doubt, Ulaar is the text on subaltern that the characters do not have any space in the mainstream society. They are from the different class than class that of Rajendraraj, Shanriraja and Shilababu. Ulaar is the mirror Pandey has created considering our Nepali society. The story in Ulaar is weaved around the mid west of Nepal, it represents the whole country. The class of Premlalawa, Draupadi, Kaluwa, Nanakau is not only in that place rather they are scattered all over the country.
While reading the novel, the readers can feel their own face as Premlalawa's and women from some class may feel themselves as Draupadi who are obliged to sell themselves for their daily bread and butter. The so called powerful people are always unkind in Ulaar and Pandey has tried to raise the voice in favor of subjugated people but is unable to do so. He himself narrates some parts of the novel and his attempt just appears as the pretension. The main problem here is that Nayan Raj Panedy himself is the representative of the elite intellectual class. He has presented his dual character in it. At the end of the novel, Premlalawa himself has not spoken but Pandey speaks as the representative of Premlalawa. He has not provided such important dialogues to his characters that lay the concluding mode of the novel. He presents his dual character and wants to kill two birds with the same stone. He no longer liberates the freedom for the subaltern people but witness the exploitation in the way Rajendraraj imposes. He wants the society move on the way it is. Premlalawa at the end of the novel reaches to a mental collision and vows not to allow Rajendraraj and his family ride free and the overload of Shantiraja so that his cart won't go ulaar. So, Nayan Raj Pandey is unable to speak the voice of the subaltern people. He has presented the characters negatively rather his attempt to speak on the behalf of them has become a mere ventriloquizing. We can clearly see the vision of (mis)representation of the characters in the novel. The central character from the very beginning is pitiful and always exploited. He is unable to think the possible reason responsible for his poor condition in blind faith of Rajendraraj. He is pushed away gradually from the centre towards the remote village areas treacherously. At the end of the novel, Premlalawa could guess "there is something around him that is pushing him and his class continuously backwards. He retrospect his father's saying they had their home in the main city. From the main road to Surkhet road, then to Koreanpurawa and Parasapur, they are always being pushed backward" (78). He knew the bitter reality and the conspiracy of Rajendraraj who had thicken his pocket with his money since Premlalawa's childhood.
Pandey in Ulaar, at least has not any sense of the poetic justice which is the reflection of his dominant ruling class' ideology and pretends supporting their liberty, equality and democracy. Pandey himself becomes Rajendraraj, Shantiraja and Shilababu who makes the characters licking the sole of the elite class' shoes but never create even a single situation to raise the voice against the injustice and suppression over them. He just has made them to work for elites and offer the flesh and blood. "They do not hesitate to contribute their ribs for the ladders to them. But shame on them they climb the same ladders" (Social Imbalance 2) and turn their ears deaf to the problems of the same people. Or in return? Only pain and woes. It is the hesitation of the writer to break the tradition to reward the people for their contribution. Premlalawas are indebted while making contributions and in return are bearing sufferings, bullets, pain and anxiety.
Thus, the purpose of this research is to show the (mis)representation of the characters in Ulaar by Nayanraj Pandey that his attempt to represent the subaltern as such becomes ventriloquizing, a flat misrepresentation.
II. Subaltern and the Issue of Representation
Subaltern, having no access to power and history, can not speak themselves. They want and seek somebody to speak on behalf of them and represent them. The elite intellectual come forth and attempt to represent them. Representation by elite intellectual is come out being filtered through elite ideology where remains trace of it. So, representation of subaltern by elite intellectual is never accomplished and it becomes misrepresentation.
The word subaltern in Oxford Dictionary is used to denote the people 'of inferior rank.' The word was used in late medieval period which used to mean vassals and peasants. By 1700, the historians and the novelists began to write novels and histories about military campaign in
India and
America from the perspectives of subaltern. In recent usage it indicates the long marginalized and subjugated people whose actions and deeds are not included in the colonial and bourgeois nationalist historiography of
India. In 1982, the term subaltern had little meaning in south Asian studies before the subaltern studies project lunched with series of subaltern studies volumes getting published annually.
It rose after the subaltern volumes started appearing as an interdisciplinary approach in the form of Subaltern Studies: Writing about South Asian History and Society, edited by Ranajit Guha from 1982. It got more popularity and simultaneously drew attention of the critics by 1990s.When the historians could see the growing interest as a burning topic in academic circle not only within south Asia or India but in other continents as well. The movement drew attention of new generation, critics, students and researchers of various disciplines widely as a field of their intellectual exercise. When the various discussions with Indian historians led to lunching of a new journal in India, subaltern studies began to take specific forms in India.
Regarding its origin and evolution, subaltern studies began in England in late 1970s. The difference between Indian subaltern studies and African historians is that both are looking for opposite constructs while reaching their respective historical situations. Many Indian scholars have felt they had to put together 'Africa' in the face of general perception of everlasting and immutable division.
Gramsci used the term "subaltern", meaning of inferior rank to refer to those groups of the society who are the subject to the hegemony of the ruling class. (Ashcroft et al. 215) According to Gramsci. He writes "after the failure of a workers' revolution in Italy" he questioned the classic Marxist view a proletarian revolution was the inevitable consequence of the economic division of labor between the worker and the capitalist and that ideology would disappear "once capitalism was overthrown"(Morton 65). But the vanquishing of ideology by overthrowing capitalism does not mean the end of proletariat's revolution. Though capitalism has faded away another way of ruling in prevailing there, that is, in Gramscian term 'hegemony'. Thus he emphasizes:
Dominant ideological institutions such as political parties the church, education, the media and bureaucracy also play an important role equal to that of the capital- labor contract - in maintaining relation of ruling against the classical Marxist notion of ideology as false consciousness, Gramsci thus proposed the more complex and flexible term hegemony to emphasize how people's everyday lives and identities are defined in an through dominant social structures that are relatively autonomous of economic relations.
Studies groups assert that subalternity is the study of historical failure. It as a literary perspective got used widely after the publication of subaltern studies volumes under the leadership of Ranajit Guha in South Asia, it had first began it's impressive career not in South Asia but the original substance of subaltern studies movement from work I progress in late 1970s.Guha in Subaltern Studies I writes:
Subalterns are those 'of inferior rank', those subordinate in terms of class, caste, age, gender, and office or in any other way. As an opposition they are not those who are dominant, the ruling groups, and the elites. Elites may be both foreign (officials, industrials etc.) and indigenous (feudal magnets, the industrial and mercantile bourgeoisies, upper bureaucrats etc.). The elites were dispersed and varied, significantly their members might at regional and locals; dither in part of the elite or, according to circumstance and situation, classified as subaltern. (vii)
If we dig out the meaning of the word subaltern that used to mean the vassals in late medieval period, we commit the epistemological fallacy that the sense has been changed. Likewise, the meaning of the word got changed and denoted lower rank in the military by 1700. Then by 1800 authors writing 'from a subaltern perspective' publishing the novels and histories about military campaign in India and America mastered the genre and developed as theory.
The interesting connection is that the Great War provoked popular accounts of subaltern life in published memoirs and diaries exposing the pains, pathos and feelings of the lower rank armies. Soon after the Russian revolution, Gramsci's contribution changed the post colonial scenario and helped paving the idea of subaltern studies movement on writing new historiography. But within a decade also the sense of the word 'subaltern' appeared shifting. Subaltern study welcomes all as multidimensional disciplines. The shared views shows that the respondents, interpreters and other critics redefine it by writing on the subaltern themes differently in the process of localizing the subaltern issues in different context. Now a dozens of subaltern studies volumes have been published covering diversified fields and disciplines in subaltern themes. The subaltern studies group has included research essays, translations and the relevant writings from various disciplines. It has now drawing interest of critics, academics, researchers, activists and academicians as the state led development stood up for the interest and cultures of the poor and marginalized. In the new context when the nations are being restructured; subaltern study has become an original site for regenerating the past to shape in the present.
With the declared aim of rewriting the history, the movement started exploring and exposing the hidden pasts of the subalterns. Since 1982, a systematic and informed discussion of subaltern themes in the field of south Asian studies has thus motivated the subalternists help rectify the elitist bias characteristic of much research and academic work in this particular area. It has drawn the large number of critics and got identity as significant but at the same time most controversial movement in the historiography of south Asia. Ranjit Das Gupta in "Significance of Non Subaltern Mediation" writes:
Subaltern historiography has emerged as a significant, though sharply controversial, trend, since 1982 and has provided a new history and society... to view the subaltern as the subject or history, the marker of his own destiny... the term subaltern is not just a substitute for peasantry or laboring poor or common people but the concept implying a dialectical relationship of super ordination and subordination, a concept which is of importance in analyzing the interplay of this relationship. (108-109)
The meaning of subaltern in the present sense is regarded as the subordinated consciousness of non elite social groups. Subalterns were never integrated into the hegemony of elites in Gramsci's term. The dominant bourgeoisie could not realize the voice of mass, the subaltern.
Development was needed for an alternative discourse on the rejection of the false and unhistorical monistic characteristic of this view of nationalism or grand narratives and the recognition of the coexistence of unity in diversity in complex South Asian society. The study of this failure that constitutes the central problematic of the historiographies and grand narratives need interaction of the elite and subaltern domains of the politics and subaltern studies project in South Asia initiated as a radical movement in the intellectual history. With the advent of Derridian deconstruction which deconstructs the binary opposition, various theories appeared with the voice of marginalized namely feminism, post colonialism, lesbian, gay, subaltern and so on. In this context, subaltern studies were initiated in 1970s regarding deciding historiography of the people discarded by colonialists as well as bourgeoisie nationalist historiographies.
The focus of the subaltern studies is to expose the subalterns as the subject of history and the marker of their own destiny but the subalternists argue that it is not easy to discover any one explanation for the failure of nation to come into its own. Moreover, this failure is understood as being caused by the inadequacy of the bourgeoisie as well as of the working class to lead it into a decisive victory over colonialism. Subaltern historians are concerned with such questions, with seeking the way out of elitism in historiography and grand narratives which are seen to suffer from a narrow and partial view of power politics, restricted to the parameters of the institutions introduced by the ruling groups. In Nepali context upper caste elites and power politics has created one sided historiographies and grand narratives. Regarding this new thinking has tended to turn in some large, holistic totalizing historism of nationalism. To Quote Sudipta Kaviraj from "the Imaginary Institution of India":
Undoubtedly, this historical description is not entirely homogeneous, and its axis shifts according to the political demands and exigencies of different periods... the shift is expressed in several ways and the risk of excessive simplification we could say that historical attention has tended to turn from political history to cultural history from events to discourses, and even the inside the history of ideas from the content of nationalistic thought to more sensitive understanding of it's form.(1-2)
Subalternity gives more emphasis to the issue of getting the subaltern consciousness in a pure form free from any kind of ideology or methodology of the existing time, space and things so that the real voice of them could be represented. They view that it is possible only when the subalterns are not manipulated by any ruling forces and their ideologies. Ajit K Chaudhary writes:
The focus of subaltern studies is on the consciousness of subaltern classes, especially peasants. The emphasis is on the subaltern consciousness as it is reflected during a period of rebellion. The principal interest of subaltern studies is thus of the analysis of subaltern consciousness in a pure form, unadulterated by the outside interference of organized political parties. Subaltern studies concentrate on grass roots social formations at a non party level. (227)
Guha in his essay "Dominance without Hegemony and its Historiography" says, "Colonialism was a rule without hegemony"(307). This is that Guha believes that during the colonial period there was direct manipulation of power. Armed force and guns were used to control over the other. But hegemony was used in the time of decolonization. Hegemony was simply applied in writing history.
Indian history was either created out of coercion or it was simply imagined by colonialist historiographers while writing British history. They had written a little bit of British history which was far better than of Indian one. But Gramsci claims "the history of subaltern classes was just as complex as the history of the dominant classes though the later of necessarily fragmented and episodic"(Ashcroft 216). Subaltern classes incorporate peasants, workers and other groups denied access to hegemonic power. Still existing history is bourgeoisies' history according to Gramsci. He finds indispensable of revolution to establish oppressed people to privileged position from which they can speak in their own. Subaltern studies positioned itself on the unorthodox territory of the left. That is why, Gramsci uses the term 'subaltern' interchangeably with "popular classes of masses described in the inferior social position, massive peasantry, all of whom were' left-out' of the historic formation" (Ludden, 306-307). He states that the history of subaltern can only be demonstrated by revolution. What is inherited from Marxism was rebellion against bourgeoisie capitalist- nationalist historiography.
Unlike Marx's modal, social and political practices of the rural peasantry were not systematic of coherent in their opposition to the state. This issue of 'lack of coherence' distinguished Gramsci's notion of the subaltern from the tradition Marxist perception of the industrial working class as unified and coherent. Subaltern study scholars argue that the free laborer becomes a 'proletarian' under capitalism is not that they have nothing but body, their products becomes value term. In colonial India there was dominance upon the down trodden classes is explicitly denied by the subaltern historians.
Began in England, subaltern studies came to India with Ranajit Guha that published volume entitled ' Subaltern Studies: Writings on South Asian History and Society in 1982 by Oxford University Press New Delhi. Till today almost twelve volumes of subaltern studies have published edited by him. He has compiled several issues written by the subalternists. The project led by Guha constituted of subaltern scholars like Sahid Amin, David Arnold, Partha Chattergee, David Hardiman, Gyanendra Pandey, Dipesh Chakravorty and Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak. Aiming others Spivak in the volume of the Subaltern Studies I writes:
A subaltern study is the name of the circle of intellectuals and the journal they publish, based on New Delhi, India. The term is also used more generally and can also refer to the academic study of the lives and writings of subalterns. Deeply influenced by Marxist, semiotics, feminist and deconstructionist ideas the subaltern studies group aims at "politicization for the colonized (...). One of the Italian Marxist Antonio Gramsci used the term subaltern to refer to Italy's rural peasant classes."(290)
Though the subaltern studies take the issue of 'bottom of people' and searches their agencies in history. It differs according to the nature of the country's historical situation. It also differs from Western historians' attempts to write 'history from below.' British workers left the diaries behind for British historians to find their voices; subaltern studies had to use different methods of reading the available documents. Especially, the subalternists formed a subaltern studies group to speak the voice of long marginalized people and the subalterns also seed the intellectuals that could speak their voice but genuine voice of subaltern always remain unspoken. David Ludden in his volume Reading Subaltern Studies writes:
Outsiders have built over walls for subaltern studies and landscapes its environment to dramatize its distinctiveness. Respondents, interlocutors, interpreters and translators have worked with the subaltern studies material and redefined it by writing it differently. Insiders have become outsiders. Outsiders have become insiders. (3)
This clarifies that the so called subaltern studies group can never represent the real voice of real subaltern people. The notion of community is frequently based on an inside outside dichotomy of subaltern subjective consciousness. What is represented by subaltern studies group is their own voice. In the same context Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak writes in her essay 'can subaltern speak?' that since subaltern people lack history, they can not speak. She concludes her essay as:
The subalterns can not speak. There is no virtue in global laundry lists with 'women' as a pious item. Representation has not withered away. The female intellectual as intellectual has a circumscribed task which she must not disown with flourish. (104)
History is necessary to raise the voice forward. Without history none can precede their voice for right, since there is no history, those silenced are always silenced. Elites have their history so they are silencing the subaltern people. Subaltern people do not have their histology so they have being dominated. Dipesh Chakravorty writes:
Sometimes you can be a larger group than the dominant one but your history could still qualify as 'minor/ minority', thus leads us, one could say, to the question of what may be called the minority of some particular pasts... such 'minor' pasts one might say are those experiences of, the past which have to b always assigned an ' inferior' or 'marginal' position as they are translated back into the historian language. (475)
In recent cultural and political theory, subaltern is used as catch- all designation for members of subordinated population , the colonized, women, blacks, the working class, although it is most often used to describe those oppressed by British colonialism and by the political economic upheavals of the post colonial period. The advantage of the term is that it doesn't privilege any one category over the others; that is, it involves to the presence of economic oppression over racial oppression. At the same time, it does not imply insurgency. The subalterns were participant in a movement to overthrow the cultural and political forces that insures his/ her subordinate status. The scholars associated with subaltern studies have explored a wide range of issues hitherto neglected in South Asia as form of popular protest, communal disturbances, grain roots, uprisings of hill people.
Exploitation and oppression have been a perennial source of revolts. Arguably the main goal of subaltern studies was to develop a critique of the standard nationalist and 'neo- imperialist' history of modern India. Subaltern studies attempts to write "history from below." Michael Foucault defines history in terms of power and knowledge. He claims that the so called history is nothing rather than a 'discourse.' The history for him is the history of the power holders. Ranjit Guha uses the phrase 'the politics of people.' He meant that both elite and subaltern have equal contribution in history construction but subalterns' voices and deeds are not included in history because they are powerless. Gramsci thinks that history of subaltern class was a complex as the history of the dominant class. Moreover, the history of the subaltern classes in Gramsci's term is inevitable, fragmented and episodic as they were subject to the activity of the elite groups even when they raise their voice against complacent elite groups.
The subaltern classes "have less access to means by which they can control their representation and less access to social and cultural institutions" (Ashcroft et al. 216). The only way to get rid of subordination is the permanent victory. The victory, however, can not be achieved immediately. The Britishers wrote Indian history from the perspective of Britishers in pre-independence period. Later, in post- independence history, Indian historians wrote history from the bourgeoisie perspective. So, Indian history is either colonist or bourgeoisie nationalist history. Guha writes:
One clear demonstration of the difference between the elites and subaltern lies in the nature of political mobilization: elite mobilization was achieved vertically though adaptation of British Parliamentary institutions, while the subaltern relied on the traditional organization of kinship and territoriality or class association. (Ashcroft et al. 217)
The bourgeoisie nationalists are the successors who adopted the legacies of colonialism. And there is no history of the peasants, workers, proletarians, women, vassals and subaltern groups. Peasants and the workers always displayed their resistance by bringing insurgencies against imperialists. Subaltern groups took part in the anti-imperialist movement like non cooperation, disobedience and quit India under the elite leadership of the political parties; they resisted the bourgeois nationalist as well as indigenous elite leaders by disobeying their orders. At the beginning of every peasant uprising there was inevitably a struggle on the part of rebels to destroy all the symbols of the social prestige. The social domination and subordination of the subaltern by the elites was an everyday feature of Indian capitalism. The term 'subaltern' is not a substitute for peasantry or laboring poor or common people but a concept implying a dialectical relationship of super ordination and subordination.
The subaltern studies movement has pointed out that the historiographies of the nation are often guided by elitist bias. It raises voice for the better future to the subalterns as the subaltern groups are often excluded in terms of their representation. The subalternists believe that subalterns are always used as a subject of ruling groups. They are marginalize and made voiceless. The problem is they cannot speak themselves. So the debate is often on the issue of subaltern consciousness and their autonomy the basic concentration is how to achieve the subaltern and subaltern autonomy in a process of creating the new historiographies to the oppressed groups by deconstructing the old one. They come into the agreement that the subalterns are always guided, taught and spoken by elites. So their real identity may not be achieved easily.
Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak in her essay "Can the Subaltern Speak?" using the military term for lower ranks who can't figure in the victor's account of history declared that 'the subaltern can not speak.' she has strongly made conclusive statement that the subaltern groups or the oppressed ones are indeed voiceless. The interplay between the pre colonial and colonial structures of epistemic voice that erase the space from which the subaltern can speak. She further argues that often, the subaltern makes an attempt at self representation, yet this act of representation is not heard. The hegemonic listeners do not recognize it, because it does not fit into the official institutional structures of representation.
Thus subalterns according to Spivak, can only be heard through the elite but they misrepresent the subaltern. So the subalterns have to seek for the intellectual that can raise the voice for the subalterns which is never possible. She insists that subaltern is not just a word used for oppressed or other, rather in Gramsci’s original covert usage; it signified “proletarian”, whose voice could not be heard, being structurally written out of the capitalist bourgeois narrative. She questions, “How can we touch the consciousness of the people, even as we investigate their politics? With what voice consciousness can the subaltern speak? (80). As far as the subaltern women are concerned, they are far more marginalized. Spivak as a feminist similarly insists that on the one hand the women are dominated by their male counterparts and on the other are suppressed and exploited by colonialist. Colonialism appears to be more hazardous to females than to the males in the colonized spaces. She turns Subaltern Studies towards other issues. She wanted to present women as a subaltern group for she finds that Subaltern Studies as a rather appealing platform. As the voice of the subaltern groups are unreachable because they are never able to speak; they are voiceless.
Though, the literary practices are deeply guided by the elitist bias, some subalternists argue that the subaltern consciousness as a live force can be examined in oral tradition and folk practices. The creation of historiographies and grand narratives evolved from south Asia. So Nepal is not exception nor is Nayanraj Pandey. Nepali historiographies and literary traditions have evolved from the court pandit poets and for a long time they have been dominated by rigid elitism. The elite groups made the subalterns marginalized and created the false historiographies. Nayanraj Pandey followed the tradition and made the subalterns marginalized in Ulaar that the class of Premlalawa is victimized in the rigidity of Pandey's elitism. The tendency of unification is continually interrupted by the activity of the ruling groups that subalterns are always subject to the activities of the elite. Elites have followed the principle of 'divide and rule'. That is why, Ulaar has two different forces of the subaltern; Premlalawa, Kaluwa etc. are the protagonistic force and Nanakau the antagonistic. He supports Shantiraja, the elite not Premlalawa, the subaltern. While reviewing the statements of the senior subaltern critics, it shows that the subaltern identity can be preserved by deconstructing the elitism and creating the space in the new historiographies for subalterns to exist and speak independently.
Subaltern consciousness is the consciousness of resistance arising from subaltern people. It refers to the subaltern people's state of being able to use their own senses of mental powers to understand their own position in the society they are living. Since subaltern people din not find their voices and contribution in history, they are much too conscious of their state of being. Indian peasants in the colonial period were a subaltern group in two ways: first by their low status within Indian society and second in their exclusion from colonial history. If they were included in history, they would be misrepresented. The heart rendering problem is that subaltern people remain unheard even after the demise of colonialism in India. After decolonization the nationalists like Gandhi and Nehru succeed the colonizers. Sadly enough, they proved themselves to be true sycophant of colonizers in their thoughts and deeds. Their political and bureaucratic mechanisms were similar to that of the colonizers. They continued English parliamentary system and English education system as the legacy of colonialism. Like the colonial historiography, the bourgeois nationalist historiography wrote about the deeds and thoughts of those bourgeois only. It totally ignored the voices as well as the deeds of the subaltern people who had played outstanding role to chase the colonizers away from India. Indian subalterns were dismissed from history by Indian bourgeois nationalist. So, independence for subaltern people became curse. Critics and the writers criticized it as the failure of the Nehruvian state.
Thus, though, Pandey has presented the mutual cooperation between two subaltern characters Premlalawa and Kaluwa, it is not among all subalterns. Nanakau has not been presented as much cooperative as Premlalawa needs. Here is the politics of the intellectual elite class or the bourgeois. That is why Pandey has observed the subaltern group from the bourgeois perspective. He wants to divide the subalterns and rule them. He presents the two contrasting forces in subaltern. He never and neither wants to see the subalterns be united and represent themselves. Except from Kaluwa and Vaujee, nobody comes to help Premlalawwa's miseries and pain. Pandey has presented the pathetic conditions of the subaltern and they seem accompanied by none in elite's perspective. If Ulaar was happened to be written by some subaltern writer it would have been written in otherwise perspective that of the subalterns. But lacking the power and the recorded history subalterns can not write. Recording the history is concerned with power. So the subalterns are depicted according to the mental image of the elite that is inferior .Pandey is no exception to this.
Subalterns in Ulaar are either guided by their own ego or by their bourgeois mentality. Therefore, subaltern's representation by the intellectuals becomes nothing rather than misrepresentation. As the subalterns are believed that they can not speak, Spivak argues that the subalterns must dare to speak for and themselves. She speaks her anger saying 'bloody subaltern' as they do not speak. And they need mediation of the intellectuals for their representation so that they could be heard and spoken in the main stream. However, their objective of being represented is never accompanied with their voices and what the intellectuals represent is their own voice and vision of the subaltern.
III. Ventriloquizing Subaltern
Premlalawa, born in Mid Western region of
Nepal, is an orphan from his early childhood. He belongs to the lower and the marginalized group of the society. He is the representative of the subaltern class. He was born poor and remained same or made poorer. He had nobody to support in his childhood. There was goodness personified Rajendraraj who provided profound help and supported Premlalawa to lead his life. Rajendraraj is the person who gave identity to Premlalawa as the cart driver and managed to earn his meal once for a day. If he would not have supported Premlalawa he would be deprived from the same too. He helped him in getting compensation from the negligent truck driver who caused the death of Premlalawa's father. He helped him in having the bank account. After some time he showed the way to drive the horse cart. For the same purpose he gets a cart, cart driving license and citizenship card too.
He was never showed the way to be literate. As a result, he is always seeking guidance from the powerful people of the society and becomes habituated on it. Such dependence caused Premlalawa to lead a life and stay charming his tongue amid the condition of the extreme exploitation over him and his class. Those people are made voiceless and silent amid their pathetic conditions. Rajendraraj never feels hesitated to grab the opportunity to exploit the poor people and their property. Premlalawa has become an object for him to exploit and to take advantage of every difficult mode. He is manipulated and used according to his personal interest. Premlalawa has no option except selling his valuable land located in the main road of the city when he suffers from pneumonia. Rajendraraj makes Premlalawa sign his finger print on the document of one hundred thousand million and tells lie to Shilababu but gives him less than one third of the amount. Innocent and illiterate Premlalawa did not know why he said this nor did he deserve thinking of it. Innocent Premlalawa's level does not know how dirty and corrupted the game of politics is. Rajendraraj has been successful in fooling Premlalawa. So, he refuses to believe his ear in the victory rally that Rajendraraj sold his 70% of votes in account of five million to Shantiraja. But at last Premlalawa knows the fact of that the dirty game of politics is the only cause after his miserable condition of his life. His life has been ulaar itself- seriously and completely imbalanced. The elite people and their ambitions and benefit minded instincts are responsible for such situation of the lower strata people.
Premlalawa goes to Kathmandu in the hope of getting compensation when Basanti dies. But Shantiraja shows the real image of the politicians and the democratic leader. Coming back home he hopelessly becomes obliged to sell his land and hut again and accept only the one third of the amount and be pushed away from the mainstream to the remote village. The mental collision of the hero at last of the story is almost the greatest during his life but we can not see any kind of extra kinds of revolution except from the decision made in account to the disallowance to Rajendraraj and his family ride free on his cart, and not accepting the overload of Shantiraja. So, we can believe it is the lively picture of our epoch we live, and the politics we have undergone. The movement of 2046 B.S. had aroused hopes for many who do not have access to the upper class. The abortioned hopes of same class have been beautifully presented in the story.
Most of The characters in Ulaar represent from the lower class. The main hero solves his hand to mouth problem driving tanga. He drives it in low cost and takes meal only once a day because of the fear he may not sleep hungry some day. Another minor character Kaluwa is postering for years living the job of cutting grass which His mother and wife are doing till the days. He gets only five rupees for hundred posters and hardly manages earning forty- fifty rupees a day and the grass cutters not more than seven a day.
"The Hindu -Muslim riot has seriously affected their job. So, they have become jobless. Bhaujee says 'the tanga owners do not come for grass, vikram tempos are available nowadays, and carts are being disappeared"(51). The poor people are always the matter of suppression and they are being exploited in some or the other ways and they are also being made jobless and homeless and being replaced by the powerful and rich people from their traditional profession. The access of power causes their poor condition, so, the gap between poor and the rich is being widen gradually the in the name of modernization and industrialization. The voiceless people are silenced and being pushed to the margin from centre.
Besides, Draupadi who is bringing up her whole family selling herself represents the other kind of struggle for life. As the mythical character Draupadi from Mahabharata is shared as common wife by five Pandavas, Draupadi from Ulaar is rearing five hundreds and thousand of people. She has been accustomed to sell herself because her class and cast are prohibited to adopt the job except of prostitution. So, her class is suppressed doubly; one from the elite males and the other, subaltern males themselves. They are made obliged to sell themselves unwillingly and earn their daily bread and butter. They accept sex service as the means of livelihood. It is never hypocrisy of the society that patronizes sex services and refuses to acknowledge the existence of this class of people among themselves. To Premlalawa's question "why do you handle such disgusting occupation?" Draupadi answers straight away "why do you drive your horse cart?"(Ulaar, 26) Here we can see no trace of sentiments and frustration or the cry of shame and utter despondency. The subaltern males pay for the low cost and the elites like the local security personals Bishnu Bahadur pays for no cost at all. Draupadi curses him to serve them free though tolerating pains. So, the female characters of Ulaar have become object that could be kneaded at random by the elite males whenever they want. Otherwise, their family would be unable to manage the situation to live in that society because they are inferior and can not raise the voice against them and revolt against such suppression. The job of the prostitution as such seems common and ordinary for the badini women.
The tradition practiced in Nepalgunj as of having daughters and wives serve as prostitutes, is perfectly felt through the lines in Ulaar. In this regard Ashesh Malla writes:
...as a whole, is the extent to which poverty is consuming Nepali society. It surveys the corruption of the minds of the people, brought about by the extreme poverty which they face. The confines are such that a father is so desperately in search of material gains that he is willing to aid in the prostitution of his very own blood, his very own daughter.(1)
The characters in the story seem not the imaginary one. The main protagonist of the story drives the cart, drinks, goes to cinema, uses slang words and goes to Gagangunj and loves Draupadi, a sex worker and he weaves the dream to spend his life with her. We do not see any philosophy of the author except from ordinary lives of the dominated people in the presentation of such lower class people. Their lifestyle, language, profession and culture themselves are sufficient in reflecting the subalternity in characters. Closer to the ordinary life of the people Ulaar is ornamented with the cruelty of bitter reality of Nepalese society that is why it has become the incredible masterpiece depicting of the real Nepali society.
The author has presented lives and struggle of the poor people not using imaginary feeling. Nation has undergone various movements but lives of Premlalawas are being always ulaar. And such picaresque lives of the lower and marginalized class is presented. The lives of the people are always miserable and they have to carry on hard work all their life that heavily supports their meager livelihood. Those who constitute the underclass provide essential service for the elites of the society. Undesirable and unwelcome they run their profession for their hand to mouth problem. Draupadi is sex worker and Premlalawa a cart driver whose class is viewed as the class something undesirable and unwelcome and a bit of embarrassment by its opposite, the middle and upper class. Unwashed and underfed and under worn the underclass may be but the other class can not live without the working class. Let alone survive without the labor and sweat of the working class and how they live their lives.
In Nepali context, the underclass is providing the services such as farm hands, street vendors, barbers, rickshaw pullers, cart drivers, porters, bus/taxi/tempo driver, masseurs, entertainers of myriad kinds of including side singers, dancers, magicians, traditional sex workers. In the context of the badi people they used to entertain Ranas in Salyan. They were chased to Nepalgunj and made sex workers from generations. They had been settled at a small area in Nepalgunj. The administration made them homeless and made obliged to do the job of prostitution unwillingly. The brutal forces of the society made them accustomed to rear physical and mental sufferings (talk with the author Pandey). Ulaar provokes the sense of humor in the belief of people whether reality is something else. The area of the underclass is considered as the corrupted and the violated one but how could they be such violated and corrupted where such sincere class of Premlalawa lives. The society and mentality of its agents themselves are corrupted which can not empathize how miserably the class is living. The whole system and mechanism is corrupted and jaundiced. That is why they see others yellowish and consider them corrupted.
The authors find the life in margin a rich source to create a fictional world where various conflicts among the various social classes can be projected. They carried away by their humanitarian spirit make commitment for social change, justice for deprived and taking cudgel to fight the social evil of all kinds. Thus, the tradition of the literature of commitment or fiction in the mode of social realism comes. Likely, Ulaar is the story of hope and expectation for many people and it brings together the exploitation of Nepal's two major weaknesses- poverty and lack of education. Exploitation by politicians of the masses and the immediate effects faced throughout society are reiterated on numerous occasions. Democracy was in the place and the political parties were revived and new ones were being formed. The local leaders fiercely organized partisan groups to campaign on their behalf but secretly worked out political games with money and promises of state patronage when returned to power after election. Premlalawa reverently followed party leader Rajendraraj in the hope of democracy bringing livelihood and opportunities, personally to get relief of his dire condition but Rajendraraj in every twist cuts profits from him. Pandey appears to have taken up the story of a group of underclass people whose fate deteriorates from bad to worse and who obviously seem doomed to annihilation by the brutal force of the society. Yet, his Ulaar meaning loss of balance in a loaded cart or within a social political system presents a fresh take at Nepali society and it's dark forces that prey on the hapless poor and shiftless populace who because of sheer tenacity service and seek sustenance wherever they can and do not give up the face of unspeakably inhuman circumstance. That is why; this project of Pandey represents the fresh breeze to lighten the bleak scene of social realism in Nepali fiction writing.
We can watch three different levels of reality corresponding to social classes or levels of power configuration enjoyed by or denied to the fictionalized people in the world of Ulaar. First- in terms of social domination and access to power or those who occupy position though temporarily in Singh Durbar like Shantiraja who became minister after he wins the election. Next, the different political parties and middle class denizens of town of Nepalgunj that seek linkage to Katmandu. And in bottom the marginalized inhabitants like horse cart drivers, grass cutters, and daily wage labors, the sex workers who live with the fear and the problem of their hand to mouth basis.
The opening lines of Ulaar reflect the dishonesty of the so called leaders in accountancy with the poor people who work for them for day to night and it shows their selfishness, celebration in the sorrow of others, their monetary illness and blindness after it.
Premlalawa did cast his vote in the name of Rajendraraj Sharma. But his vote caused no impact in the election outcome. Rajendraraj Sharma was the loser by a huge margin of votes. The defeat of Rajendraraj was an unbelievable and shocking incident to him.
Premlalawa becomes fume in anger and blames his fellow workers for not honoring their word to support Rajendraraj which for him appeared a loss of dignity and self - respect. Rajendraraj thrive in such betrayal and secret deals. This marks a powerfully ironic moment in the story that Premlalawa can not believe that serious candidates at election withdraw from the contest taking money from the rival to end their challenge. "Premlalawa was benefited by not drinking alcohol. He had to remain unfed only ten days except of twenty. So, he used to eat only once a day so that he may not sleep hungry some day"(16).These different groups reflect different realities of the society. The underclass people almost loss their share of bargain like Premlalawa is accustomed to allow the free ride on his cart and Draupadi and the other women are bound to deliver their free service to the elites in their time of choice. But the class never rebel or protest over their exploitation because they need assistance and patronage of those would be power brokers at the crucial moments of crisis. No doubt, the class of Premlalawa accounting for largest group is much valued during elections, political rallies and protest strikes and demonstrations. But at last the same political leaders refuse knowing them who work for them day to night. Rather, they ride the ladders made up by the ribs of the poor people. Hriseekesh Upadhyay writes:
Whether they loss the minimum level of human values and morals while the poor and marginalized groups though deeply honoring the traditional values among their marginal existence could neither prevent their absurdities of overall society nor make their life any better from pathetic existence mired in poverty, hunger, disease and squalor. These masses depended on the crooked power wielders, though they live the life innocently and blamelessly to shield them from unforeseen calamities such as getting compensation for action and accident leading to death, disease and rapacious state machineries such as police or revenue official.(3)
A young cart driver, orphaned in his early childhood, lives the life by his faith on hard work; he is thrifty by necessity. He keeps his honors basic decency. He would never cheat or take advantage of others in need. He comes under the exploitative grip of Rajendraraj Sharma. While seemingly providing some succors to the helpless boy, he cuts huge profit for himself at every mode especially suffering and his obligation. Though, Premlalawa hears about this cheat and gross loot finds this story to be too gruesome to be credible. His honest and simple human instinct can not even imagine such soft speaking; gentleman, helpful personality can enrich itself out of his miseries. Calamities for the poor spell good fortune for the powerful. When Premlalawa gets seriously ill, goes to seek some help from same conspirator Rajendraraj. He arranges to rescue the poor lad. The grateful Premlalawa believes:
Ranendraraj is goodness personified. He comes forward to help those in need of help at every turn. He is just there to assist everyone in need, from the moment they are born till death. He is ever ready to fight anyone, on behalf of the poor. (15)
This ironic twist on the part of the poor and crooked behavior of rich and powerful makes story rich and leads to black humor and full of poignant scenes at several point. Premlalawa needs some money to continue his trade after he gets rid of pneumonia. The helpful, gentle Rajendraraj suggests him to sell his house and made to sign for the one third amounts if it's actual price. Though, Premlalawa likes to believe Rajendraraj must not be that evil man. Thus, Ulaar has projected the same exploitation of the poor people and elite that celebrate over the miseries of the same poor and make their misfortune profitable for themselves. Here is the vast gap between power holders and the poor people in Ulaar. The poor respect the old value of honesty, humanity and simplicity and trust but ironically enough the rich or powerful penetrate the poor and their misfortune to collect wealth and enrich them. The sweat of the poor people does not have any meaning in front of their evil wish and interest. That is why the class of Premlalawa is being suckled and the class of Rajendraraj is growing fat day to night. Simply to watch, Premlalawa is continuously being dragged away from the mainstream. Rajendraraj waits for the right time to grab the opportunity to take the advantage of the poor people and squeeze them gently and kick them away. This pathetic hero at last of the story could remember his father's saying:
Our home was in main city...then how could he ask how did they come to the home of Surkhetroad. But this time he knew there is something around him which is continuously pushing further to remote village: from main road to Surkhetroad, then to Koreanpurawa and Parasapur from it. I and same are always being pushed away. (78).
The so called leaders do not see the sufferings of the poor people rather they run after the extreme height of their ambitions. Rajendraraj and Shantiraja are the lively example. At the very beginning of the story, they are the chief contestants of the election and run the promotional campaign of election sharply focused on demolishing each other and people in large number join the campaign.
Towards the end of the campaign the two candidates assigned a secrete deal of five lakhs for 70% vote of Rajendraraj to Shantiraja. Premlalawa and the supporters feel betrayed. Their time, efforts and resources used for it utterly wasted. Premlalawa waits at the polling booth till the final result of the vote counting were announced. Nobody tells him that his candidate had backed down from the race in account to five lakhs. Everyone was puzzled hearing Shantiraja betrayed his candidates and sold his candidacy in huge profit. Trust of thousands and their admirations were of no value for him. They forget the ground wherefrom they rose. Here we can watch the beautiful irony of the situation that powerbrokers' refusals in assisting the trust and their efforts. Their betrayal makes poor people angered in their foolishness but can not speak a word against them because of the fear. To justify the fact we can quote the following lines from the text:
...and he started kneading her. 'Bastard, I have to serve him free- though tolerating pain.' She scolded Bishne in mind...Draupadi's deaf and trampling father inside the next room knew the arrival of and started cursing Bishne who had already gone for he occupied free service. He does not speak even a word in the presence of Bishne because he gets frightened. (48)
These all subaltern characters hardly manage their daily hand to mouth problem. Premlalawa drives tanga but gets low price in return that is why he remains unfed once a day. Kaluwa, a daily wage labor handles the profession of postering for years. He hardly earns forty-fifty rupees a day. Satirically, the unfed and under worn people are agent of the advertisement of the upper class mechanism. They have to sell their whole property for medicine. They have to manage in single pair of the clothes in severe cold of winter. Premlalawa promotes the advertisement, sometime, of the family planning, nutrients and sometimes of some famous doctors. They are manipulated according to the interest of the rich people. So Ulaar undergoes two classes: one is working hard to feed burnvita and horlicks to the upper class and another is busy in exploiting the poor people who can hardy manage the basic needs of their daily lives. Except from exploitation, the subaltern people are also being replaced and disappeared from their traditional jobs too. Bhaujee says: "vikram tempos are available nowadays, horse carts are being disappeared" (51). Because of the elite, the subaltern people are losing their way of life. The ditch between these classes is being widened in the name of modernization. In the same context, Asesh Malla writes:
However, as these lines reveal, this kind of progress is nothing in the face of social stagnation. While there may be political freedoms, and human rights and NGOs looking to represent injustice, Nepal still faces social cultural backwardness. In this way, these lines are as a challenge to those who claim to bring progress and development to Nepal. The challenge lies in claiming that freedom for the sake of political movement does not imply any real and substantial freedom or change.(1)
As "Draupadi could never think why she was named Drauupadi. Her earlier name was not Draupadi. It was Sita...what is in name? Main thing is the profession. She is the prostitute by her profession. Badini." (Ulaar, 20) the lower class people like her are named after Draupadi, a female character from Mahabharat. She was the common wife of five Pandavas. Draupadi is named mocking her according to her profession prostitution. She is accustomed to sleep and be engaged with many people. So, the society baptizes her as Draupadi after she starts her job in continuation of her mother could handle it no more. As the people that have no access in the mainstream of the society are always mocked and Draupadi has the same condition. She is mocked by the people and they are long habituated and Sita in course of time becomes Draupadi satirically. The society where Draupadi belongs is filled with the women who are prostitutes by their profession. They themselves call them 'a whore'. We can see there is not the culture of baptism at the place where those badi people dwell. "One day Draupadi asked her mother if her name was Sita. She was surprised at her name was also Sita" (21). Draupadi also has given her daughter the name Sita, her own name. Perhaps, she is also being Draupadi in her near future that her grandfather is thinking of her to add her to the job of prostitution. Her profession is in danger because of her old mother who is long been ill. The customers do not want to deteriorate their enjoyment. Because of her coughing and screaming of it, the regular customers have stopped coming to her. So, Draupadi's father scolds his wife "why don't you go to hell raandi!" (21) Asesh Malla regarding it again writes, "Notice how the father is seen to be nonchalant and furthermore anxious about the possible decline in the number in the customers of her daughter" (1).
The underprivileged class in Ulaar uses the language of lower rank. Those seem vulgar and obscene while listening but they use the same types of language either in their normal talking or scolding others. They do not hesitate using such slag words in their language. Uses of some words like "Chutad", "Raandi", "Bastard,you a whore! You sleep mouth to mouth with all or smells mouth of mine?" (22) Premlalawa asks Draupadi: "What do you feel when you sleep with others?" (27) are the examples. They have sexuality in their daily lives but they are earnest and devoted in their relationships. What they do in their daily lives are not the vulgarity but their sincerity and love for themselves. Their profession does not matter to their relationships. What happens if a woman from some middle or high class is engaged with the second man except from her husband? Or she is the prostitute by her profession? But Premlalawa loves a prostitute and weaves the dreams of marrying the same, Draupadi.
Premlalawa's home belongs single bed, few silver utensils; he sleeps having partitioned his room for him and his mare Basanti, the stench- dung of the of mare and it's food, four walls postered that are ever ready to crumbled down after one or two of the rains. These all are his property. The characters in this way seem physically poor. But inwardly their inner hearts are materialized with profound love and affection for others. The difference is in its return- the upper class return back only the pain and sufferings. The family of the grass cutter is hardly earning their basic needs. Kaluwa and Vaujee, are daily wage labors and grass cutter respectively, give affordable money to Premlalawa hiding from each other. Draupadi gives over her top off her ears to Premlalawa. Premlalawa, too, wanted to give Draupadi some money but refuses and answers him to give it coming to her home. She does not want taking money without any reason. Anybody can observe these kinds of love and affections in these subaltern people in Ulaar. Their love for the animals is not less than of it.
The subaltern hero Premlalawa goes to Kathmandu thinking of buying a cart and carry three generation that of Shantiraja (55). But he is treated as non human being in Kathmandu. He was warmly welcomed 'marshya', just for asking the direction to the minister's quarters. Hreesikesh Upadhyay again writes:
The capital city is worse place to be for poor and illiterate outsiders in all seasons especially the winter; if the poor visitor happens to come from far away Terai and does not speak Nepali, s/he will face hostile treatment everywhere. Though Kathmandu has its share of the poor and deprived people eking out life in the margin, the poor of the city can not share empathy with the poorer strangers. They become poor by their mind. (5)
Premlalawa was suffocated in the mass of Kathmandu, "He had been perplexed in mass once or twice ...he felt his presence unusual on smooth road many times. He felt that Kathmandu did not like him and also felt disacceptance of Kathmandu to him as well" (55).The owner of the hotel told him to sleep on the bed dirty. A drunkard named Nirakar also takes benefit of Premlalawa. He assures him to arrange his meet with the minister, Shantiraja and takes eighty rupees money from Premlalawa. But next morning Premlalawa finds his escape from hotel. He gets perplexed. He searches for Nirakar. But "...this search was not about the personality of Nirakar- it was search of the existence of his eighty rupees which Nirakar had taken..."(62) but he does not find his eighty rupees nor finds the minister.
During the four days he manages drinking three cups of tea, eats meal three times and takes three dozes of medicines for his stomach pain. He stitched his stripped off slipper three times. But his attempt to meet newly installed minister proved elusive and futile. The quarters were not likely to mean to support the needs of those coming from margin. He is told to go Singh Durbar where ministers' offices are situated to get hearing for his appeal. He goes to Baluawatar and party office too. He did not have easy access to minister because of business he had. At the end, Premlalawa could see the minister and appeals for his relief but gets wordily relief only; an official relief when it comes must be routed through various officials, sections, divisions and formal sanctioning. It would take time- weeks even months, a lot of persuasions and indefinite wait. Premlalawa could afford none of it. At the minister's party office Premlalawa gets the bitter taste of reality at top. A failed politician asked Premlalawa:
"Does the minister know you well?"
"Not that well but I think he will know me." He replied.
"In that case you better go back to your home today, right away. It's no use in this cold of Kathmandu. You better leave, your work will never materialize... go back to your home district. Join in politics. You will become a minister yourself in seven or eight years' time. That would be faster than people like you get a chance to meet the minister." (64)
Having no option Premlalawa again goes to Rajendraraj with his property ownership document. He gets surprised seeing both and tells "look Premlalawa, clearly to say the central party office has allocated Ninety thousands Documents get prepared of the same. You will get thirty thousands rupees. He would not provide penniless service in politics". He gets thirty thousand rupees, buys a piece of land worth ten thousand rupees, a mare and a tanga.
Ulaar has pictured the experiences and world views of the subaltern characters but the voices and real representation of the powerless people does not come forth to be heard. The plight and grief of the marginalized or the subaltern people and their experiences are only seen but not heard. None of the characters in Ulaar can speak for themselves. It was responsibilities of Shantiraja to help Premlalawa in getting compensation of his mare's death but didn't do so. The class of Premlalawa has nobody to speak for them. They can not speak themselves. So, somebody is needed. The upper class attempt to represent but there occurs the problem in representation of the subaltern. The elite intellectuals' voices for the subaltern are come filtered through their elite ideology but there remains traces of elite ideology. So, it becomes nothing more than misrepresentation. Premlalawa is pivotal character in Ulaar. His sufferings are presented vividly but we get confused where the resistance against such exploitation is. The main problem lies there. Instead of protesting Premlalawa is presented as submissive towards Rajendraraj. At the end of the story the authors seems pretending to give the sense of revolt and determination of the protagonist.
Kaluwa clearly knew some sense of firm determination over his face. Kaluwa is not seeing the same helpless and disappointed Premlalawa who was weeping and moaning looking at his crumbled down home. How could Kaluwa know what is happening in his inner heart? And Premlalawa himself actually is unknown what is happening inside him. And Premlalawa was trying to know the same. Trying to find out what is happening inside him. (79)
Here we can see the sense of resistance and disobedience to the leaders. But this determination is not the exact protest against elites. This consciousness is not for the shake of consciousness in subaltern people. Pandey attempts representing but slightly he becomes aware of the voice of the subaltern that it may not come forth to his elite intellectual class.
The characters are projected selfless and ordinary. They remain silent under the limitation of socio- cultural upbringings. The more they can not represent themselves the more they have to remain silent because they do not know how they could be represented. Pandey makes efforts to make the subaltern's voice be heard but it seems leaning towards elite historiography. Resistance of Pemlalawa is given from the author's position itself. "How could such bitter, sharp, heavy and deep instinct entered into his heart? How could it be entered in the mind of Premlalawa?"(78) That seems to be surprising to the extra subaltern people. They seem to be surprised of such changes in them. They may be laughed at if they tried representing themselves because of their poverty and do not have access of agency in creating the history. As long as they lack their agency in history they want to be represented by somebody else. The intellectuals are those who deserve representing them but they are either guided by their own ego or bourgeois ideology. However, representation of the subaltern as such becomes not more than misrepresentation. So, elites while representing the subaltern can not reflect the positive aspects of the subaltern nor can accept the negative of the elite though Pandey has presented some sort of good aspects of the subaltern characters. But they do not have accountancy with the profit and loss of the elite class. He is the mediator in representation. But representation by the mediator is never possible. As far as they can not speak themselves, seek for some agents to be heard and spoken in mainstream. Contradictorily to it, their wish of being represented as such is never accomplished. What is represented is intellectual's own voice and vision.
Therefore, Pandey's Ulaar somehow is incredible and praiseworthy in presentation of the ethos of the poor and marginalized people but at the same time we feel its lack in proper treatment of the characters. His attempt remains barren and unproductive. He has not constructed such situation in straightforward way. That is why the readers get confused whether or not the protagonist of the story adopts the way protesting further against the dominant class. The readers are made to suspect in mental collision like that of Premlalawa, "Premlalawa has decided something. He would not allow free ride to Rajendraraj and his family on his tanga. And he would not accept the load- overload like that of Shantiraja on his tanga. And not let his tanga turn ulaar" (Ulaar 79).
One suspicious stage aroused in Ulaar is that Pandey provides none of the chances to represent by and for them. Why did not he do this? We can see clear forgery of the author in case of the subaltern people which always has attacked the poor people and celebrated their sufferings and plight. He is not likely to let the bankrupt lives recovered and get stood them up to run them objection free. Because of the elite ideology to limit them in certain level, Pandey' attempt to represent them becomes ventriloquizing.
His work incredulously depicts the vivid scene of the society after democracy was brought which had brought lots of hopes for many. But the plight of the poor people remained same though it was the era of the victory of the mass that is of the working class or the lower class people. The agents of the democracy made poor people scapegoat and secured profit from the same working class. His trial of addressing their sentiments and ethos is found, so, blameworthy because his representation to give voice to voiceless has turned ventriloquizing in all ways. The readers are not assured whether or not the characters are being represented in the proper way. On the other hand, Pandey does not speak on the behalf of the subaltern or while spoken has not represented their real voice. So, his every attempt of representation becomes misrepresentation.
IV. Conclusion
After the comprehensive exploration of the issue regarding the representation of subaltern in
Ulaar by Nayanraj Pandey, this thesis comes to the conclusion that every representation is misrepresentation because of the mediators and their attempt of representation the subalterns. As long as the subalterns themselves can not raise their voice due to having no power and their access and agencies in history, they need and seek some intellectuals that could represent them so that they could be heard and spoken. However, such intellectual position has dangers for what the intellectuals represent is nothing than their own voice and vision being filtered through the elite ideology. Their representation in some or the other way reflect their dominating mentality and appropriate the subaltern.
Nayanraj Pandey in Ulaar has tried to represent the voiceless subaltern people but could not do so because he is the representative of the elite intellectual class. He carries the blind adherence to elitism and happens reflecting his dominant ideology which he inherits by his ancestors. While representing the subaltern people he appropriates the stereotypical images of them and thus his presentation becomes misrepresentation. He makes effort to speak on the behalf of the subaltern people who do not have access to power. They can not speak and represent themselves. So, Pandey has picked the issues up of those marginalized and voiceless. The thesis questions the exploitation of the subaltern by the elite and the rich people, seemingly the leaders of the political parties who caused the subaltern hero to lead his bankrupt life by taking advantage of his poor condition.
The subaltern people lack consciousness, so, can not resist against such exploitations. Premlalawa is the representative of the subaltern class that is always being victimized by the elite, the political leader, Rajendraraj Sharma. He makes Premlalawa sign his finger prints on the papers and gives less than the one third of the amount than his property worth and pushes him away gradually from the mainstream to the remote village many times. Similarly, Rajendraraj takes most of the compensation money Premlalawa is supposed to get as a compensation for his father's death in an accident. It reflects that the suffering of the poor people is always the matter of celebration to the elite class for they turn their deaf ears to the sufferings and the struggles of the subaltern people. Draupadi on the other hand is rearing five hundred and thousands of such Pandavas of her society for her livelihood. She is exploited by the subaltern people themselves and by the authority or the agents of the local authority. The class of Draupadi is always unsecured in the hands of local security agencies.
Thus, Pandey's attempt to represent the subaltern people becomes a ventriloquizing than an authentic representation. There are the traces of his elite ideology in his representation of the subaltern. Reality is always distorted in such representations for they are guided by the discourse of the dominant group. So, authentic representation of the subaltern people is never accomplished by the elite intellectuals. Ulaar by Nayanraj Pandey, thus is not successful in representing the voiceless subaltern people and to advocate for their rightful space in the society.
